Morphological case on nouns often expresses the syntactic and semantic
relationships between clausal constituents. In this study, we
investigated to what extent a unique case marker was used in the past
(or perfective) for the subject argument of a transitive clause (A),
vis-à-vis the subject of an intransitive clause (S), the direct object
of a transitive clause (P), and a recipient (R). This is the case in
Purik, as seen in (1), in which the ergative case suffix ‑s is used
with the subject of transitive clauses, whereas the subject of an
intransitive clause is zero marked and the direct object is either zero
marked or takes a dative case marker.
(1) Purik [prx] (Sino-Tibetan)
| a. |
bomo-s |
ŋi |
pʰila |
mindoq |
kʰur-e |
soŋ |
|
girl-erg |
1sg.gen |
sake |
flower |
carry-conj |
go.pst |
|
'The girl brought flowers to me.' (PRX-Val-MM:075) |
|
|
|
|
|
| b. |
bomo |
tɕoŋs |
|
|
|
girl |
jump |
|
|
|
'The girl jumped.' (PRX-Val-MM:052) |
|
|
|
| c. |
butsʰa-s |
bomo |
tɕʰu-juŋ |
pʰul-e |
taŋ-s |
|
boy-erg |
girl |
water-into |
push-conj |
give-pst |
|
'The boy pushed the girl into the water.' (PRX-Val-MM:074) |
|
|
|
|
| d. |
butsʰa-s |
bomo-la |
ɬta-s |
|
|
boy-erg |
girl-dat |
look-pst |
|
|
'The boy looked at the girl.' (PRX-Val-MM:003) |
|
|
|
Unique case-marking of the A argument is present in a majority of the
sample languages. The languages lacking this property are primarily
found in the region's northwest.